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Democratic Audit of Russia

Igor Yakovenko

"We live our lives not feeling our country…"

Russia is the most unpredictable country in the world. It's hereditary. No research cen-ter, political or sociologist on the day before the collapse of USSR could predict, that the big-gest state on the world would disappear. The flotsams of the USSR are also unpredictable. No one predicted the "Maydan scenario" the day before the "orange revolution". But Russia anyway is the champion in this area. Every August the analysts fade and wait for shocks. And the absence of such shocks is also unexpected and is unpredictable.

Unpredictability means ignorance. It is uncomfortable to live in the unpredictable country. Therefore the group of the research organizations - The "Public Expertise" Institute, "INDEM" Foundation and the "Merkator" analytical center has united their efforts for carry-ing out of the scale research project called "Democratic audit of Russia". The "Novaya Ga-zeta" newspaper already has published results of the first stage of this project - the "Democ-ratic audit of Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation". Today the newspaper publishes the preliminary results of the second stage of the project: the "Democratic audit of regions".

Russia is not only the most unpredictable, but also the most heterogeneous country in the world. The difference between levels of freedom in different subjects of Federation is more distinct, than between any European countries. Kalmykia and St.-Petersburg differ from each other more, than the Great Britain and Portugal.

The aim of "Democratic audit of regions" is the comparative analysis of a political freedom level and democracy in 88 subjects of the Russian Federation, standards of living, resources and economic development of regions, and also "the rating of governors" - the com-parative analysis of efficiency and quality of management of regions by Heads of local of administrations. Preliminary results of research allow seeing the place of each of 88 subjects of the Russian Federation on a scale of political and economic development, to compare re-gions basing on the standards of living and to create their typology and also typology of Heads of the Russian Federation regions. And the main task is to understand some specifics concerning the device of Russia, not of the authorities. Concerning the country of our living.
Conclusions of the research are based on the analysis of all regional and fed-eral electoral statistics for last 15 years (the "Merkator" center), the analysis of state social and economic statistics for the same period "INDEM"), data of expert polls, in which more than 500 federal and regional experts participated (The "Public Expertise" Institute), and also on comparative data about infringements of human rights in regions and data of "Medialogia" analytical system"


Democratic character of elections and democratic character of re-gional parliaments

To define democratic character of elections and democratic character of local parliaments, we started with the general principles of democracy: removability of authority, freedom of will of voters, observance of "one person - one voice" principle, presence of a political competition, a degree of monopoly of authority on one of parties.
We have chosen 8 parameters describing realization of these principles.


The principle of removability of authority characterizes terms of finding of the operating gov-ernor in authority structures - the longer he works, the more "bronzy" he becomes. It seems that there are almost no exceptions of this rule.

The degree of monopoly of authority at one party is defined by a share of "Edinaya Rossiya" seats in regional parliaments.


Deputy mandates and fractions of "Edinaya Rossiya"
in a regional parliaments


¹ Region of Russian Federation % of mandates, possessed by “Edinaya Rossiya”
1.  Republic of Mordoviya
89,6
2.  Republic of Bashkortostan
82,5
3.  Moscow
80
4.  Republic of Kalmykiya
77,8
5.  Republic of Tatarstan
76
6.  Republic of Kabardino-Balkariya
74,5
7.  Tumenskaya oblast’
72
8.  Saratovskaya oblast’
71,4
9. 
Republic of Karachaevo-Cherkesiya
67,1
10.  Chelyabinskaya oblast’
66,7
11.  Aginskiy Buryatsky AO
66,7
12.  Evenkian AO
65,2
13.  Yamalo-Nenetzky AO
63,6
14.  Magadanskaya oblast’
60
15.  Kurganskaya oblast’
58,8
16.  Republic of Mariy El
57,7
17.  Voronezhskaya oblast’
57,1
18.  Khanty-Mansiysky AO
56
19.  Irkutskaya oblast’
55,6
20.  Permskaya oblast’
55
21.  Kaliningradskaya oblast’
53,1
22.  Ryazanskaya oblast’
52,8
23.  Tambovskaya oblast’
52
24.  Kirovskaya oblast’
51,9
25.  Tverskaya oblast’
51,5
26.  Orenurgskaya oblast’
51,1
27.  Penzenskaya oblast’
51,1
28.  Kamchatskaya oblast’
48,7
29.  Pskovskaya oblast’
48,5
30.  Republic of Tyva*
46,88
31.  Rostovskaya oblast’
44,4
32.  Saint-Petersburg
44
33.  Arhangelskaya oblast’
43,5
34.  Republic of Komi
43,3
35.  Ulyanovskaya oblast’
43,3
36.  Tomskaya oblast’
42,9
37.  Republic of Adygeya
42,6
38.  Omskaya oblast’
40
39.  Sakhalinskaya oblast’
39,3
40.  Republic of Ingushetiya
38,2
41.  Vologodskaya oblast’
38,2
42.  Kaluzhskaya oblast’
37,5
43.  Republic of Severnaya Osetiya - Alaniya
37,3
44.  Republic of Khakassiya
37,3
45.  Republic of Sakha (Yakutiya)
37,1
46.  Stavropolsky krai
36
47.  Nizhegorodskaya oblast’
35,6
48.  Smolenskaya oblast’
35,4
49.  Tulskaya oblast’
35,4
50.  Republic of Kareliya
35,1
51.  Primorsky krai
33,3
52.  Chitinskaya oblast’
33,3
53.  Altaisky krai
32,4
54.  Khabarovsky krai
32
55.  Moscovskaya oblast’
32
56.  Yaroslavskaya oblast’
32
57.  Bryanskaya oblast’
31,7
58.  Volgogradskaya oblast’
31,6
59.  Lipetzkaya oblast’
31,6
60.  Belgorodskaya oblast’
31,4
61.  Ivanovskaya oblast’
31,4
62.  Vladimirskaya oblast’
28,9
63.  Republic of Chuvashiya
28,8
64.  Krasnodarsky krai
28,6
65.  Novosibirskaya oblast’
28,6
66.  Sverdlovskaya oblast’**
28,6
67.  Republic of Udmurtiya
28
68.  Amurskaya oblast’
27,8
69.  Astrakhanskaya oblast’
27,6
70.  Leningradskaya oblast’
26
71.  Koryaksky AO
25
72.  Republic of Altay
22
73.  Republic of Buratiya
21,5
74.  Kostromskaya oblast’
20,8
75.  Murmanskaya oblast’
20
76.  Republic of oblast’
19,8
77.  Kurskaya oblast’
17,8
78.  Krasnoyarsky oblast’
4,8
  Total in Russia
38,3

* Data on Legislative Chamber of the Great Hural of Republic of Tyva.
**Data on the Regional Duma of Legislative Assembly of Sverdlovskaya oblast'.

The other parameters. Measure of a political competition on elections is the separation of the winners from the nearest competitor and the general number of competitors. The meas-ure of an administrative resource is the attendance. If attendance in region is close to 100 %, it means that people are either "driven" into elections, or the results are "drawn". The measure for freedom of will is the height of a protecting barrier on elections under party lists and share of voted "against all". Moscow is the champion on both parameters as it has established 10 % barrier and has cancelled the option "against all". And finally the measure of validity is meas-ured by a parameter of "distortion amplitude".

For an estimation of elections validity, i.e. how much the principle "one person - one voice" is realized, the parameter of "distortion amplitude" is used. It is a difference between a share of the voices received by party and a share of the places borrowed by party in parlia-ment.

"Distortion Amplitude" results on elections in the regional legislature
conducted in 2003-2005 on proportional system

¹ Region of Russian Federation "Distortion amplitude” by parties having mandates "Distortion amplitude” by all parties
1 Republic of Ingushetiya
11
11
2 Republic of Kabardino-Balkariya
10
15,6
3 Republic of Kalmykiya
47,8
80
4 Republic of Karachaevo-Cherkesiya
14,8
23,7
5 Republic of Mariy El
18,7
18,7
6 Republic of Mordoviya
14,2
20,9
7 Republic of Tatarstan
24,5
42,8
8 Republic of Khakassiya
22
29,3
9 Altaisky krai
18,6
25,2
10 Amurskaya oblast’
19,2
21,7
11 Arhangelskaya oblast’
28,7
36,1
12 Belgorodskaya oblast’
17,3
23,2
13 Bryanskaya oblast’
25
34,4
14 Vladimirskaya oblast’
30,8
40,8
15 Volgogradskaya oblast’
25
38,5
16 Vologodskaya oblast’
23,3
33,3
17 Voronezhskaya oblast’
23,9
33,1
18 Irkutskaya oblast’
25,8
37,8
19 Kaluzhskaya oblast’
19,1
23,9
20 Kurganskaya oblast’
20,9
27
21 Magadanskaya oblast’
20,3
20,3
22 Ryazanskaya oblast’
14,9
14,9
23 Sakhalinskaya oblast’
25,6
35,1
24 Sverdlovskaya oblast’
29,4
41,2
25 Tul’skaya oblast’
26,1
36,2
26 Ulyanovskaya oblast’
38,5
61,4
27 Chitinskaya oblast’
27
30,1
28 Yaroslavskaya oblast’
25,2
33,1
29 Koryaksky AO
21,5
21,5
30 Nenezky AO
29,4
21
31 Taymirsky (Dolgano-Nenetzky AO)
22,7
22,7
32 Ust’-Ordinsky Buryatsky AO
18,5
23,9
33 Yamalo-Nenetky AO
21,2
23,6
  Total / In general
23,1
30,4
  Russian State Duma 2003
36
59

In the country as a whole the representation of "Edinaya Rossiya" in regional parliaments in 2,2 times exceeds its results on elections.

Conducting an analysis basing on all these parameters all federal and regional elec-tions for last 10 years we shall receive the following picture:

¹ Region of Russian Federation The general rating of democratic character of elections The general estimation of democratic character of elections
1 Republic of Bashkortostan
1
Very low
2 Republic of Kabardino-Balkariya
1
Very low
3 Republic of Kalmykiya
1
Very low
4 Republic of Mordoviya
1
Very low
5 Republic of Severnaya Osetiya - Alaniya
1
Very low
6 Republic of Tatarstan
1
Very low
7 Republic of Tyva
1
Very low
8 Orlovskaya oblast’
1
Very low
9 Chukotsky AO
1
Very low
10 Republic of Adygeya
1,5
Very low
11 Republic of Ingushetiya
1,5
Very low
12 Republic of Karachaevo-Cherkesiya
1,5
Very low
13 Republic of Chuvashiya
1,5
Very low
14 Kemerovskaya oblast’
1,5
Very low
15 Yamalo-Nenetzky AO
1,5
Very low
16 Aginsky Buryatsky AO
1,5
Very low
 
1 Republic of Buratiya
2
Low
2 Belgorodskaya oblast’
2
Low
3 Moscow
2
Low
4 Khanty-Mansiysky AO
2
Low
5 Taymirsky (Dolgano-Nenetzky AO)
2,5
Low
6 Vologodskaya oblast’
2,5
Low
7 Republic of Sakha (Yakutiya)
2,5
Low
8 Murmanskaya oblast’
2,5
Low
9 Orenburgskaya oblast’
2,5
Low
10 Penzenskaya oblast’
2,5
Low
11 Saratovskaya oblast’
2,5
Low
12 Tambovskaya oblast’
2,5
Low
 
1 Republic of Udmurtiya
3
Average
2 Khabarovsky krai
3
Average
3 Novgorodskaya oblast’
3
Average
4 Samarskaya oblast’
3
Average
5 Tumenskaya oblast’
3
Average
6 Chitinskaya oblast’
3
Average
7 Evenkiysky AO
3
Average
8 Chelyabinskaya oblast’
3
Average
9 Kurskaya oblast’
3
Average
10 Magadanskaya oblast’
3
Average
11 Sverdlovskaya oblast’
3
Average
12 Koryaksky AO
3
Average
 
1 Republic of Altay
3,5
High
2 Bryanskaya oblast’
3,5
High
3 Irkutskaya oblast’
3,5
High
4 Lipetzkaya oblast’
3,5
High
5 Novosibirskaya oblast’
3,5
High
6 Komi-Permyazkiy AO
3,5
High
7 Yaroslavskaya oblast’
3,5
High
8 Ust’-Ordinsky Buratsky AO
3,5
High
9 Republic of Kareliya
3,5
High
10 Republic of Khakassiya
3,5
High
11 Altaisky krai
3,5
High
12 Krasnodarsky krai
3,5
High
13 Voronezhskaya oblast’
3,5
High
14 Moskovskaya oblast’
3,5
High
15 Omskaya oblast’
3,5
High
16 Permskaya oblast’
3,5
High
17 Rostovskaya oblast’
3,5
High
18 Tomskaya oblast’
3,5
High
19 Evreyskaya AO
3,5
High
20 Primorsky krai
3,5
High
21 Kamchatskaya oblast’
3,5
High
22 Sakhalinskaya oblast’
3,5
High
23 Ulyanovskaya oblast’
3,5
High
24 Saint-Petersburg
3,5
High
25 Krasnoyarsky krai
4
High
26 Republic of Mari El
4
High
27 Kostromskaya oblast’
4
High
28 Kurganskaya oblast’
4
High
29 Tul’skaya oblast’
4
High
30 Republic of Komi
4
High
31 Volgogradskaya oblast’
4
High
32 Leningradskaya oblast’
4
High
33 Nenetzky AO
4
High
 
1 Stavropolsky krai
4,5
Very high
2 Astrakhanskaya oblast’
4,5
Very high
3 Vladimirskaya oblast’
4,5
Very high
4 Ivanovskaya oblast’
4,5
Very high
5 Kaluzhskaya oblast’
4,5
Very high
6 Kirovskaya oblast’
4,5
Very high
7 Ryazanskaya oblast’
4,5
Very high
8 Amurskaya oblast’
4,5
Very high
9 Arkhangel’skaya oblast’
4,5
Very high
10 Kaliningradskaya oblast’
4,5
Very high
11 Nizhegorodskaya oblast’
4,5
Very high
12 Pskovskaya oblast’
5
Very high
13 Smolenskaya oblast’
5
Very high
14 Tverskaya oblast’
5
Very high

Alongside with obvious things, we have some unexpected in this table. For those who con-fuses democratic character of region with democratic character of sights, or to say exactly, statements of governors, it is unusual to see in group of "most non-democratic" regions Chu-vashiya, alongside with Bashkortostan, Kalmykia and the Oryol regions. Republic of Chu-vashiya, whose quite authoritative mode successfully covers democratic image of president Fedorov, who had 11 years of stay at authority to become fairly "bronzy".

The myth about democratic character of Moscow, which deservedly is included into group of regions with low democratic character of elections, is discredited.

In contrary, a high estimation of democratic character of elections in such regions as Ryazanskaya and especially Ulyanovskaya oblast will certainly cause bewilderment of ex-perts and the democratic public. However, the matter is that real democratic character of elec-tions and democratic character of regional conditions in general depends on ideas and speeches of regional Heads of administration of region in extremely insignificant degree. De-terminative factors here are real concentration of authority's and financial resources in hands of one person or one clan. And another, extremely important factor is readiness of citizens to obey to infringement of their rights.

For example, discharge of Victor Cherepkovs from elections in Primorsky krai and at-tempts of the federal authorities to impose Gennady Apanasenko (the assistant to plenipoten-tiary representative of President) as the governor has led to record growth of protest voting and defeat of the Center's protege in the second round. In Bashkortostan the similar electoral conflict happened because of participation of Sergey Veremeenko in elections. The conflict has ended with agreement between regional elites the Center. Voters reacted languidly, or its better to say - not reacted at all.

And now the main things. To understand what's happening in Russia it is necessary to take a look at things from which level the quality and democratic character of our lives de-pend. And as regions are so different, there are opportunities for the analysis. We used three spheres: economy, standard of living and democratic character. We have constructed and cal-culated integrated parameters for each of spheres separately in each of 88 regions, and then we measured relations between level of economical development and standards of living, along with correlation between economy and democracy and separately in each of 88 regions. Then we have measured relations between level of development of economy and a standard of living, and also relations between economy and democracy and between a standard of living and a level of democracy separately.

We have got three conclusions. First conclusion: if the development of economy influ-ences standards, then not decisively. Translating from language of mathematics into Russian, the level of our life depends on development of economy less than on third. The rest depends on other factors. Second conclusion: factor of correlation between democracy in region and economy = +0,13, what in translation to Russian means "does not influence absolutely". Third conclusion: factor of correlation between a standard of living and a level of democracy = -0,12, that means almost the same. It means that hopes of near-the-governmental "liberals" and "democrats" that growth of economy and a standard of living will automatically lead to growth of democracy are utopian. It won't happen.

So, the vector of Russia depends a little on economical development and standards of living. But on what it depends? What remains in a society exept economy, policy and a stan-dard of living, i.e. social sphere? Exactly: the mentality. Consciousness. Feelings. Moods. The Western world votes for its own interest. By head and stomach. Russia votes by heart. Or it does not vote at all, allows doing everything, almost everything with itself. Therefore it is un-predictable. For a while.

Results of the second part of our project confirm conclusions of the previous research - Russia has passed for last years from a category of the countries partially free into the cate-gory of not free countries.

What can make Russia to change a vector of the movement? We will write about it in the next issues of "Novaya Gazeta"

 
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